Introduction
Within American History, there has been many governmental scandals that have occurred, but one of the most notorious scandals that occurred was the Watergate Break, in which President Richard M. Nixon was involved. Watergate was a scandal that shook this country on the grounds that no one would have ever expected a President to be involved in such criminal activity. In a Utopian society, citizens expect for their government to abide by a certain code of conduct and act in ways in which they would if they were just an ordinary citizen; however, we do not live in a Utopian society. There were acts of several illegal activities from campaign fraud, political espionage and sabotage, break-ins, improper tax audits, illegal wiretapping and a “laundered” slush fund used to pay those who conducted these operations. Watergate proved this theory and it also poses the question as to whether or not President Nixon was actually a criminal. Due to executive privilege, President Nixon had the idea that he was well within his rights to withhold information from the public, however, his illegal actions have shown us that he was in fact a white collar criminal.
Within American History, there has been many governmental scandals that have occurred, but one of the most notorious scandals that occurred was the Watergate Break, in which President Richard M. Nixon was involved. Watergate was a scandal that shook this country on the grounds that no one would have ever expected a President to be involved in such criminal activity. In a Utopian society, citizens expect for their government to abide by a certain code of conduct and act in ways in which they would if they were just an ordinary citizen; however, we do not live in a Utopian society. There were acts of several illegal activities from campaign fraud, political espionage and sabotage, break-ins, improper tax audits, illegal wiretapping and a “laundered” slush fund used to pay those who conducted these operations. Watergate proved this theory and it also poses the question as to whether or not President Nixon was actually a criminal. Due to executive privilege, President Nixon had the idea that he was well within his rights to withhold information from the public, however, his illegal actions have shown us that he was in fact a white collar criminal.
President Nixon’s Prior Wiretapping Activities
Prior to The Watergate Scandal, President Nixon had a history of engaging in illegal activities for personal gain. Nixon had a close relationship with both J. Edgar Hoover, and Mark Felt- also known as “Deep Throat”, whom will be later discussed- in which both held high position within the FBI (Gage 160). Nixon was able to use his connection with Hoover to devise a plan of wiretapping on members of the foreign policy establishment (Gage 169). According to Beverly Gage, less than five months after Nixon’s reelection, “The New York Times published a report describing the administration’s secret bombing of Cambodia (Gage 169).” In response to such allegations, Nixon, Hoover, and Secretary of State, Henry Kissinger, developed the “Kissinger wiretap” and the collective goal was to find the leaks within the white house (Gage 169). Nixon’s main goal was to protect his presidential power by identifying the leaks within the foreign policy bureaucracy (Gage 169). The Kissinger taps helped create a 6 year conflict between the White House and The FBI due to the fact that Hoover warned Nixon the taps would create problems for the administration in the event of exposure (Gage 169).
A continuation of this plan, known as the Houston Plan, sought to refashion the domestic intelligence establishment. President Nixon wanted to expand surveillance and disrupt the New Left (the democratic party); however, he was faced with a speed bump from Hoover (Gage 196). Nixon wanted Hoover to lift the restrictions of the FBI, but Hoover refused and as a result, Nixon went to the FBI’s rivals; the CIA, Department of Defense, NSA, and Treasury (Gage 170). The four agencies then approved a plan allowing Nixon to expand mail covers and wiretap phones (Gage 170). Hoover had stated that the only way in which the plan would be created is that if Nixon would agree to authorize the plan in writing (Gage 170). Nixon then decided to rescind on his approval and he was defeated by people within his own administration (Gage 170).
Prior to The Watergate Scandal, President Nixon had a history of engaging in illegal activities for personal gain. Nixon had a close relationship with both J. Edgar Hoover, and Mark Felt- also known as “Deep Throat”, whom will be later discussed- in which both held high position within the FBI (Gage 160). Nixon was able to use his connection with Hoover to devise a plan of wiretapping on members of the foreign policy establishment (Gage 169). According to Beverly Gage, less than five months after Nixon’s reelection, “The New York Times published a report describing the administration’s secret bombing of Cambodia (Gage 169).” In response to such allegations, Nixon, Hoover, and Secretary of State, Henry Kissinger, developed the “Kissinger wiretap” and the collective goal was to find the leaks within the white house (Gage 169). Nixon’s main goal was to protect his presidential power by identifying the leaks within the foreign policy bureaucracy (Gage 169). The Kissinger taps helped create a 6 year conflict between the White House and The FBI due to the fact that Hoover warned Nixon the taps would create problems for the administration in the event of exposure (Gage 169).
A continuation of this plan, known as the Houston Plan, sought to refashion the domestic intelligence establishment. President Nixon wanted to expand surveillance and disrupt the New Left (the democratic party); however, he was faced with a speed bump from Hoover (Gage 196). Nixon wanted Hoover to lift the restrictions of the FBI, but Hoover refused and as a result, Nixon went to the FBI’s rivals; the CIA, Department of Defense, NSA, and Treasury (Gage 170). The four agencies then approved a plan allowing Nixon to expand mail covers and wiretap phones (Gage 170). Hoover had stated that the only way in which the plan would be created is that if Nixon would agree to authorize the plan in writing (Gage 170). Nixon then decided to rescind on his approval and he was defeated by people within his own administration (Gage 170).
The Road to Watergate
The events leading to The Watergate break-in gives an outsider an interesting perspective in regards to motives of the Nixon Administration. In 1968, Richard Nixon, a republican, won his presidency against Vice President Hubert Humphrey, by a thin margin: forty-three present to forty-four percent (Gaughan 346). Nixon’s top aides feared that same fate would happen again in the 1972 elections, so they devised a plan, and said plan led them directly to Watergate. Before moving on further, let’s explain “Watergate.” The Watergate building is located in Washington D.C. and it houses the Democratic National Committee (“Watergate Scandal”). Getting back to the break-in and those involved, the burglary was the brainchild of former FBI Agent Gordon Liddy and retired CIA operative E. Howard Hunt (Gaughan 347).
Liddy and Hunt led a “White House Special Investigation Unit”, also known as the White House “Plumbers” (Gaughan 347). The main purpose of this organization was to fix the “leaks” within the White House. One of their early burglaries was commissioned by President Nixon and his senior aides and the goal was to break into Daniel Ellsberg- a white house defense department consultant, who leaked a classified Pentagon report on the Vietnam War to the New York Times- psychiatrist, Dr. Lewis Fielding, office to gain information to discredit Ellsberg (Gaughan 347). Although their break-in was unsuccessful, Liddy and Hunt “caught the attention of the Committee for the Reelection of the President (CRP), a fund raising organization supporting the President’s 1972 reelection campaign (Gaughan 347).” According to Anthony Gaughan, “The CRP enlisted Liddy and Hunt to conduct political intelligence operations against the Democratic Party and its presidential nominee, George McGovern (Gaughan 347).
The events leading to The Watergate break-in gives an outsider an interesting perspective in regards to motives of the Nixon Administration. In 1968, Richard Nixon, a republican, won his presidency against Vice President Hubert Humphrey, by a thin margin: forty-three present to forty-four percent (Gaughan 346). Nixon’s top aides feared that same fate would happen again in the 1972 elections, so they devised a plan, and said plan led them directly to Watergate. Before moving on further, let’s explain “Watergate.” The Watergate building is located in Washington D.C. and it houses the Democratic National Committee (“Watergate Scandal”). Getting back to the break-in and those involved, the burglary was the brainchild of former FBI Agent Gordon Liddy and retired CIA operative E. Howard Hunt (Gaughan 347).
Liddy and Hunt led a “White House Special Investigation Unit”, also known as the White House “Plumbers” (Gaughan 347). The main purpose of this organization was to fix the “leaks” within the White House. One of their early burglaries was commissioned by President Nixon and his senior aides and the goal was to break into Daniel Ellsberg- a white house defense department consultant, who leaked a classified Pentagon report on the Vietnam War to the New York Times- psychiatrist, Dr. Lewis Fielding, office to gain information to discredit Ellsberg (Gaughan 347). Although their break-in was unsuccessful, Liddy and Hunt “caught the attention of the Committee for the Reelection of the President (CRP), a fund raising organization supporting the President’s 1972 reelection campaign (Gaughan 347).” According to Anthony Gaughan, “The CRP enlisted Liddy and Hunt to conduct political intelligence operations against the Democratic Party and its presidential nominee, George McGovern (Gaughan 347).
Operation GEMSTONE
Attorney General, John Mitchell, was aware of Liddy and Hunt’s activities and he approved of a scaled down act of espionage campaign named, GEMSTONE. The plan for GEMSTONE was to wiretap the phones at the Democratic National Committee (DNC) headquarters at the Watergate complex (Gaughan 347-348). The burglary team consisted of former CIA agent James McCord and “four individuals with ties to both the anti-Castro community and the CIA: Bernard Barker, Frank Sturgis, Eugenio Martinez and Virgilio Gonzalez" (Gaughan 348). Nixon had been a long time allies within the anti-communist movement making it no surprise that the burglars that were hired happened to be anti-communist themselves (Gage 160). The job of the burglars was to set up eavesdropping devices into the DNC phones. The burglars were under the impression that their act of violence was to protect America from a “Communist Conspiracy” (Gaughan 348).
Attorney General, John Mitchell, was aware of Liddy and Hunt’s activities and he approved of a scaled down act of espionage campaign named, GEMSTONE. The plan for GEMSTONE was to wiretap the phones at the Democratic National Committee (DNC) headquarters at the Watergate complex (Gaughan 347-348). The burglary team consisted of former CIA agent James McCord and “four individuals with ties to both the anti-Castro community and the CIA: Bernard Barker, Frank Sturgis, Eugenio Martinez and Virgilio Gonzalez" (Gaughan 348). Nixon had been a long time allies within the anti-communist movement making it no surprise that the burglars that were hired happened to be anti-communist themselves (Gage 160). The job of the burglars was to set up eavesdropping devices into the DNC phones. The burglars were under the impression that their act of violence was to protect America from a “Communist Conspiracy” (Gaughan 348).
The Break In
The Watergate Break-in happened on two separate occasions. On their first break-in attempt, May 28, 1972, the five men broke into the Watergate complex and although it was somewhat successful- in the terms that the five men were not caught-the audio from the wiretaps were not successful (Gaughan 348). As result, it required a second break-in, which was a massive mistake. The burglars successfully placed a bug on a secretary and a deputy director’s phone, but the men were caught in the act (Berkowitz 21). The information that was to be used from the wiretapping would essentially be useful in discrediting the democratic party (Berkowitz 21). On June 17, 1972, a security guard found a door covered in tape (Berkowitz 21). Upon the guards discovered, the police were called. The authorities found five men wearing business suits and latex gloves were arrested in the offices of the Democratic National Committee. Upon their arrest, the police found a phone number, which belonged to E. Howard Hunt, on Barker’s persons; providing a connection to the white house (Gaughan 349). The five burglars, plus two others had either pleaded guilty or were found guilty by a jury. Former Nixon aides, G. Gordon Liddy and James W McCord Jr., were found guilty by a jury of burglary, wiretapping and eaves dropping on the Democratic headquarters (Berkowitz 23).
The Watergate Break-in happened on two separate occasions. On their first break-in attempt, May 28, 1972, the five men broke into the Watergate complex and although it was somewhat successful- in the terms that the five men were not caught-the audio from the wiretaps were not successful (Gaughan 348). As result, it required a second break-in, which was a massive mistake. The burglars successfully placed a bug on a secretary and a deputy director’s phone, but the men were caught in the act (Berkowitz 21). The information that was to be used from the wiretapping would essentially be useful in discrediting the democratic party (Berkowitz 21). On June 17, 1972, a security guard found a door covered in tape (Berkowitz 21). Upon the guards discovered, the police were called. The authorities found five men wearing business suits and latex gloves were arrested in the offices of the Democratic National Committee. Upon their arrest, the police found a phone number, which belonged to E. Howard Hunt, on Barker’s persons; providing a connection to the white house (Gaughan 349). The five burglars, plus two others had either pleaded guilty or were found guilty by a jury. Former Nixon aides, G. Gordon Liddy and James W McCord Jr., were found guilty by a jury of burglary, wiretapping and eaves dropping on the Democratic headquarters (Berkowitz 23).
The Cover-Up
Nixon did not feel that the arrest of the burglars would be a threat to his presidency, however, his administration still took steps into making sure their involvement would not be discovered (Gaughan 350). As previously stated the president has prior experience in wiretapping activities, as a result, he was well qualified in covering up criminal activities (Gaughan 350). In a discussion that was recorded within the Oval Office, President Nixon ordered one of his aides to cover up the white house involvement and intercept the investigation, in respect to his prior wiretapping activities (Gaughan 350).To ensure that the burglars remained silent, his administrations paid them $187,000 in cash (Gaughan 350). In addition to having his administration on his side, the United States Attorney’s Office reported to the Nixon’s Justice Department, and Attorney General, Richard Kleindienst, himself made it his priority to protect the President (Gaughan 351). In addition, Kleindienst was made aware of the CRP’s role in the Watergate break-in by Liddy (Gaughan 351). With the U.S. Attorney’s office in Nixon's corner, the prosecutors, Earl Silbert, Seymour Glanzer, and Donald Campbell focused their attention on “the incontrovertible evidence that they had broken in for the purposes of electronic eavesdropping: and the mounting evidence that Liddy and Hunt had directed the burglary (Gaughan 351, 354).
Nixon having a conversation with one of his advisers about the actual break-in and if the money can be traced back to them.
Nixon did not feel that the arrest of the burglars would be a threat to his presidency, however, his administration still took steps into making sure their involvement would not be discovered (Gaughan 350). As previously stated the president has prior experience in wiretapping activities, as a result, he was well qualified in covering up criminal activities (Gaughan 350). In a discussion that was recorded within the Oval Office, President Nixon ordered one of his aides to cover up the white house involvement and intercept the investigation, in respect to his prior wiretapping activities (Gaughan 350).To ensure that the burglars remained silent, his administrations paid them $187,000 in cash (Gaughan 350). In addition to having his administration on his side, the United States Attorney’s Office reported to the Nixon’s Justice Department, and Attorney General, Richard Kleindienst, himself made it his priority to protect the President (Gaughan 351). In addition, Kleindienst was made aware of the CRP’s role in the Watergate break-in by Liddy (Gaughan 351). With the U.S. Attorney’s office in Nixon's corner, the prosecutors, Earl Silbert, Seymour Glanzer, and Donald Campbell focused their attention on “the incontrovertible evidence that they had broken in for the purposes of electronic eavesdropping: and the mounting evidence that Liddy and Hunt had directed the burglary (Gaughan 351, 354).
Nixon having a conversation with one of his advisers about the actual break-in and if the money can be traced back to them.
Saturday Night Massacre
When it seemed as though President Nixon had everything contained, he got to a point to where he was too comfortable and showed acts of paranoia, which brought about the Saturday Night Massacre. Nixon offered to release statements of the contents of the Watergate-related tapes, however, under the condition Sen. John C Stennis would review the tapes to verify the accuracy of the statements and release the information to the committee. The prosecutor was to make “no further attempt… to subpoena more tapes or other presidential papers of a similar nature.” (Aycock 368). Nixon firmly believed his proposal “would comply with the spirit’ of the appeals court decision. When Cox did not comply with Nixon’s proposal stating this would “defeat the fair administration of justice (Ayocock).” The tapes controversy played a major part in Nixon’s dismissal of Cox and the resignations of Richardson and Ruckelshaus, in what became known as "The Saturday Night Massacre" (Oct 20). Leon Jaworski, replaced Cox. and Sen. William B Saxbe (R Ohio) was nominated to replace Richardson as the Attorney General (Ayocock 429).
When it seemed as though President Nixon had everything contained, he got to a point to where he was too comfortable and showed acts of paranoia, which brought about the Saturday Night Massacre. Nixon offered to release statements of the contents of the Watergate-related tapes, however, under the condition Sen. John C Stennis would review the tapes to verify the accuracy of the statements and release the information to the committee. The prosecutor was to make “no further attempt… to subpoena more tapes or other presidential papers of a similar nature.” (Aycock 368). Nixon firmly believed his proposal “would comply with the spirit’ of the appeals court decision. When Cox did not comply with Nixon’s proposal stating this would “defeat the fair administration of justice (Ayocock).” The tapes controversy played a major part in Nixon’s dismissal of Cox and the resignations of Richardson and Ruckelshaus, in what became known as "The Saturday Night Massacre" (Oct 20). Leon Jaworski, replaced Cox. and Sen. William B Saxbe (R Ohio) was nominated to replace Richardson as the Attorney General (Ayocock 429).
Mark Felt aka Deep Throat
Mark Felt aka “Deep Throat”- the man that the Nixon administration had suspected as leaking information to the Washington Post- had been the whistle blower of the Watergate scandal (Gage 175). Reasons behind his actions can be traced back to the death of J. Edgar Hoover, whom was the acting director of the FBI (Gage 172). It was President Nixon’s job to appoint a new director and Felt had the expectation that he was going to be next in line to be the director, but Nixon went a different way. Nixon had appointed Deputy Attorney General L. Patrick Gray as the new acting directing the FBI (Gage 172). Gray's appointment upset Felt because he expected himself or a person within the FBI with leadership skills to be the new Director (Gage 172). In addition, Gray has limited policing skills (Gage 172). Interestingly enough Mark Felt became in charge of the Watergate investigation and the very house that passed him over for the appointment of director (Gage 174). Within 48 hours of the Watergate investigation, Felt began speaking with Bob Woodard, a good friend of his (Gage 174). He had confirmed to Woodard that E. Howard Hunt, the CIA operative had been involved in the break-in (Gage 174).
There has been much speculation as to why Felt leaked information and one of the conclusions is that he was angry by the fact that Nixon had overlooked him to be the new acting director of the FBI (Gage 175). However, Felt was “far more interested in preserving the FBI’s institutional prerogatives than in either high-minded principle or personal revenge" (Gage 175). Looking back into Gray’s work within the FBI, he was not the most ethical Director in charge. At the request of White House counsel, John Dean, he agreed to burn political espionage files (Gage 173). Gray also allowed for White House officials to sit in on Watergate-related interviews (Gage 173). In addition, President Nixon and his administration had the idea that Felt had been the person to leak Watergate information to the press (McGeary). Nixon had agreed not to fire Felt he feared that he would leak even more information all while having the FBI backing him on his story (McGeary).
Mark Felt aka “Deep Throat”- the man that the Nixon administration had suspected as leaking information to the Washington Post- had been the whistle blower of the Watergate scandal (Gage 175). Reasons behind his actions can be traced back to the death of J. Edgar Hoover, whom was the acting director of the FBI (Gage 172). It was President Nixon’s job to appoint a new director and Felt had the expectation that he was going to be next in line to be the director, but Nixon went a different way. Nixon had appointed Deputy Attorney General L. Patrick Gray as the new acting directing the FBI (Gage 172). Gray's appointment upset Felt because he expected himself or a person within the FBI with leadership skills to be the new Director (Gage 172). In addition, Gray has limited policing skills (Gage 172). Interestingly enough Mark Felt became in charge of the Watergate investigation and the very house that passed him over for the appointment of director (Gage 174). Within 48 hours of the Watergate investigation, Felt began speaking with Bob Woodard, a good friend of his (Gage 174). He had confirmed to Woodard that E. Howard Hunt, the CIA operative had been involved in the break-in (Gage 174).
There has been much speculation as to why Felt leaked information and one of the conclusions is that he was angry by the fact that Nixon had overlooked him to be the new acting director of the FBI (Gage 175). However, Felt was “far more interested in preserving the FBI’s institutional prerogatives than in either high-minded principle or personal revenge" (Gage 175). Looking back into Gray’s work within the FBI, he was not the most ethical Director in charge. At the request of White House counsel, John Dean, he agreed to burn political espionage files (Gage 173). Gray also allowed for White House officials to sit in on Watergate-related interviews (Gage 173). In addition, President Nixon and his administration had the idea that Felt had been the person to leak Watergate information to the press (McGeary). Nixon had agreed not to fire Felt he feared that he would leak even more information all while having the FBI backing him on his story (McGeary).
Nixon’s Resignation
Elliot Richardson, who was called on to fill the vacated post of Attorney General, appointed Archibald Cox, a Harvard law professor, as a special prosecutor for the Watergate case. John Dean, the former White House counsel who had turned against the president, took the role of star witness. He claimed Nixon had been involved in the cover up from the beginning and the White house had been involved in illegal political espionage activities (Berkwitz 25). He described the plan to burglarize the offices of Daniel Ellsberg’s psychiatrist and in the recall of the Oval office conversation he said to the president “We have a cancer growing on the presidency" (Aycock 812). On November 17, Nixon maintained innocence. He portrayed himself as a hard-working, responsible, innocent man. He pleaded his case on national television, “People have got to know whether or not their President is a crook,” “Well, I’m not a crook. I’ve earned everything I’ve got” (Berkowitz 27). He took steps to reassure the nation that he would provide Watergate evidence from tapes and documents and more information on his personal finances.
On August 5, 1974, Nixon released the tape that implied his guilt. The House Judiciary Committee recommended three articles of impeachment against Nixon, based on the supported evidence. However, they did not include all of the offenses committed by Nixon. There was enough evidence indicating Nixon violated the Constitution and the laws of the United States to enrich himself at the cost of the American taxpayer. On August 9, 1974, Nixon announced his resignation from office. The next morning Nixon gave the last of his great public appearances. Watergate had taken a toll on Republicans. The national nightmare was over, The Constitution works; the great republic is a government of laws and not of merit. The Scandal affected the American people, they were left divided and numb. Americans were displeased with politics and politicians. Public-opinion polls found low opinions of both Congress and the presidency at the time of Nixon’s resignation (Aycock 754).
Elliot Richardson, who was called on to fill the vacated post of Attorney General, appointed Archibald Cox, a Harvard law professor, as a special prosecutor for the Watergate case. John Dean, the former White House counsel who had turned against the president, took the role of star witness. He claimed Nixon had been involved in the cover up from the beginning and the White house had been involved in illegal political espionage activities (Berkwitz 25). He described the plan to burglarize the offices of Daniel Ellsberg’s psychiatrist and in the recall of the Oval office conversation he said to the president “We have a cancer growing on the presidency" (Aycock 812). On November 17, Nixon maintained innocence. He portrayed himself as a hard-working, responsible, innocent man. He pleaded his case on national television, “People have got to know whether or not their President is a crook,” “Well, I’m not a crook. I’ve earned everything I’ve got” (Berkowitz 27). He took steps to reassure the nation that he would provide Watergate evidence from tapes and documents and more information on his personal finances.
On August 5, 1974, Nixon released the tape that implied his guilt. The House Judiciary Committee recommended three articles of impeachment against Nixon, based on the supported evidence. However, they did not include all of the offenses committed by Nixon. There was enough evidence indicating Nixon violated the Constitution and the laws of the United States to enrich himself at the cost of the American taxpayer. On August 9, 1974, Nixon announced his resignation from office. The next morning Nixon gave the last of his great public appearances. Watergate had taken a toll on Republicans. The national nightmare was over, The Constitution works; the great republic is a government of laws and not of merit. The Scandal affected the American people, they were left divided and numb. Americans were displeased with politics and politicians. Public-opinion polls found low opinions of both Congress and the presidency at the time of Nixon’s resignation (Aycock 754).
Executive Privilege
Prior to Nixon’s resignation, through all of the allegations that were made against him in regards to the releasing the tapes, he maintained the idea he did not have to release the tapes because he has the executive privilege. The United States constitution does not explicitly state that President's may exercise the right of executive privilege, but it is an implied power vested by the constitution (Sacharoff 305). Based upon this one section of the constitution, Nixon had the idea that since he was the President he did not have to abide by the demand of releasing the tapes because he had executive privilege. In addition, Nixon expected that his privilege would extend, even after his resignation, despite the privilege being only applicable to current presidents.
Congress passed a legislative act that would combat such stubbornness from the president, called the Presidential Recordings and Materials Preservation Act (PRMPA). The act was implemented after Nixon’s resignation and it gave the Administrator of General Services (GSA) the authority “to take the material, assign archivists within the Executive Branch to review it, and release certain categories of information to the public, including Watergate material" (Sachroff 317). The goal of the act was to ensure that the White House tapes and other material would not be destroyed (Sachroff 317). President Nixon sought to challenge this piece of legislation on the account that it violated his executive privilege. Interestingly enough, the constitution states, “The executive Power shall be vested in a President of the United States of America. He shall hold his Office during the Term of four Years…” In a perfect world, Nixon's argument would not be honored because this statement implies that executive privilege applies only to the current presidents rather than former presidents. President Nixon took his case against the GSA to the Supreme Court in which the justices voted in his favor. According to Lauren Sacharoff, “The court ruled that former President Nixon could assert the [executive] privilege (Sacharoff 318).”
In some ways President Nixon used his executive privilege as an excuse to commit criminal acts and he was awarded for bad behavior through President Ford’s pardon. Within his speech, Ford does not discuss the acts that Nixon committed nor does he explicitly address that Nixon was actually involved in the Watergate crime (Ford). The reasoning for Ford’s pardon was that the nation had gotten to place of tranquility and he did not want the country at an uneasy place (Ford). While his intentions were good, in many ways it was not fair. If by chance Nixon had been a regular person, he would not have been given such a privilege. Within history before and after Watergate, white collar criminals have been prosecuted and faced with public shame throughout the media, while Nixon had the luxury of living the rest of his life anyway that he choose.
The sole purpose of the executive privilege is to allow for the president to protect American citizens from harmful information that may disrupt the tranquility. However, Nixon’s motives behind Watergate was solely for personal gain and he had no regard for the American people. He solely wanted to make sure that he was reelected to be president. Nixon was not deserving of all of the gifts that he received from his peers because had he been an average citizen, he’d be criminally prosecuted and thrown into jail will no regards to his feelings.
Prior to Nixon’s resignation, through all of the allegations that were made against him in regards to the releasing the tapes, he maintained the idea he did not have to release the tapes because he has the executive privilege. The United States constitution does not explicitly state that President's may exercise the right of executive privilege, but it is an implied power vested by the constitution (Sacharoff 305). Based upon this one section of the constitution, Nixon had the idea that since he was the President he did not have to abide by the demand of releasing the tapes because he had executive privilege. In addition, Nixon expected that his privilege would extend, even after his resignation, despite the privilege being only applicable to current presidents.
Congress passed a legislative act that would combat such stubbornness from the president, called the Presidential Recordings and Materials Preservation Act (PRMPA). The act was implemented after Nixon’s resignation and it gave the Administrator of General Services (GSA) the authority “to take the material, assign archivists within the Executive Branch to review it, and release certain categories of information to the public, including Watergate material" (Sachroff 317). The goal of the act was to ensure that the White House tapes and other material would not be destroyed (Sachroff 317). President Nixon sought to challenge this piece of legislation on the account that it violated his executive privilege. Interestingly enough, the constitution states, “The executive Power shall be vested in a President of the United States of America. He shall hold his Office during the Term of four Years…” In a perfect world, Nixon's argument would not be honored because this statement implies that executive privilege applies only to the current presidents rather than former presidents. President Nixon took his case against the GSA to the Supreme Court in which the justices voted in his favor. According to Lauren Sacharoff, “The court ruled that former President Nixon could assert the [executive] privilege (Sacharoff 318).”
In some ways President Nixon used his executive privilege as an excuse to commit criminal acts and he was awarded for bad behavior through President Ford’s pardon. Within his speech, Ford does not discuss the acts that Nixon committed nor does he explicitly address that Nixon was actually involved in the Watergate crime (Ford). The reasoning for Ford’s pardon was that the nation had gotten to place of tranquility and he did not want the country at an uneasy place (Ford). While his intentions were good, in many ways it was not fair. If by chance Nixon had been a regular person, he would not have been given such a privilege. Within history before and after Watergate, white collar criminals have been prosecuted and faced with public shame throughout the media, while Nixon had the luxury of living the rest of his life anyway that he choose.
The sole purpose of the executive privilege is to allow for the president to protect American citizens from harmful information that may disrupt the tranquility. However, Nixon’s motives behind Watergate was solely for personal gain and he had no regard for the American people. He solely wanted to make sure that he was reelected to be president. Nixon was not deserving of all of the gifts that he received from his peers because had he been an average citizen, he’d be criminally prosecuted and thrown into jail will no regards to his feelings.
Conclusion
Richard Nixon committed numerous illegal wiretapping, burglaries, campaign fraud, as well as bribery, all for a reelection and personal gain. In addition to these criminal acts, he also provided false income tax information for his first term in office. Nixon had the clear potential to win his reelection campaign on his merits alone, but he turned to the life of a white collar criminal. His criminal acts alone gets a voter questioning as to whether or not an elected governmental official have their constituents’ best interest at heart. The founding fathers of this country made sure that there were checks and balances, in which Nixon had attempted to find every loophole and abuse his power. Although he was able to get away with so much, he was no able to get away with what he expected to in respect to Watergate, just as the average white collar criminal.
In addition to these criminal acts, he also provided false income tax information for his first term in office (Aycock). This helps proves that Nixon carried a sense of superiority over the American people by becoming President of the United States. He used executive privilege as an excuse for breaking the social contract that he agreed to abide by when he took the office of the president. Even 40 years after Watergate and his various acts, it makes a citizen wonder if he or she should actually trust governmental officials and any stories that they allow to get to the American public. Based on the evidence that has been provided, the answer is that a voter must use caution. There are some noble politicians; however, as citizens of the United States we must take more action in politics instead of brushing it off as if it does not exist. It is important that we start taking control because our politicians are going to do anything they want to without our consent, as we have seen with the Watergate scandal.
Richard Nixon committed numerous illegal wiretapping, burglaries, campaign fraud, as well as bribery, all for a reelection and personal gain. In addition to these criminal acts, he also provided false income tax information for his first term in office. Nixon had the clear potential to win his reelection campaign on his merits alone, but he turned to the life of a white collar criminal. His criminal acts alone gets a voter questioning as to whether or not an elected governmental official have their constituents’ best interest at heart. The founding fathers of this country made sure that there were checks and balances, in which Nixon had attempted to find every loophole and abuse his power. Although he was able to get away with so much, he was no able to get away with what he expected to in respect to Watergate, just as the average white collar criminal.
In addition to these criminal acts, he also provided false income tax information for his first term in office (Aycock). This helps proves that Nixon carried a sense of superiority over the American people by becoming President of the United States. He used executive privilege as an excuse for breaking the social contract that he agreed to abide by when he took the office of the president. Even 40 years after Watergate and his various acts, it makes a citizen wonder if he or she should actually trust governmental officials and any stories that they allow to get to the American public. Based on the evidence that has been provided, the answer is that a voter must use caution. There are some noble politicians; however, as citizens of the United States we must take more action in politics instead of brushing it off as if it does not exist. It is important that we start taking control because our politicians are going to do anything they want to without our consent, as we have seen with the Watergate scandal.